You need to listen to Warsan Shire

I had the pleasure of listening to a discussion between poet Warsan Shire and author Bernadine Evaristo last weekend at the Woman of the World festival at the Southbank. I loved so many elements of this:

It felt like the before times and I think I underestimated how lovely it would feel to be with my friends, at this amazing festival, listening to two wonderful creatives talking about life and their craft. It was invigorating in a way that made me realise that I have been languishing lately.

I loved that we had two sign language interpreters there and I thought for a moment that it remains unacceptable that the PM’s office never deigned to translate any of the Downing Street pandemic briefings, unlike Nicola Sturgeon.

Bernadine Evaristo’s introduction of Shire was warm, effusive and detailed. This may be standard (it’s been a while) but I enjoyed the time that was taken to give Shire’s full biography, following on from the WOW organisers full and detailed biography of Evaristo herself. A fulsome, thoughtful bio is something I’ve grown to appreciate much more since becoming a regular listener of the podcast How to Fail with Elizabeth Day, in which she does a deep dive into each guests bio and teases out something more than just a list of facts.

Shire was clearly nervous, but her readings were passionnate and moving, for her first live readings in years. I’m always intrigued by different public speaking styles and what I love about Shire is that she doesn’t have a “poetry voice” or conform to the typical spoken word style. Instead she projects a profound stillness and almost seems to hum with emotion. Hearing her work in her own voice was a real treat, and her voice is warm and full. She also has a cracking sense of humour and was frank about the fact that she was nervous, but showed up anyway.

And then there were the fans. The room seemed to swell with love for Shire from women who grew up alongside her, following her work first on Tumblr and then tracking her career as it blossomed. Normally, Q&As can be dreary affairs with people more concerned with making statements than asking actual questions, but each and every person who asked a question expressed beautifully how much Shire meant to them but also had fantastic questions for her – questions about her craft, her process and how to navigate life as a Somali Muslim woman. It was just a very positive, strong and affirming space. I didn’t expect it and I was totally blown away by how much I needed it.

Warsan Shire’s latest collection, Bless the daughter raised by a voice in her head, is out now.

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Another view

I was interested in an exchange yesterday between radio presenter James O’Brien and policy expert Jonathan Portes, both of whom I respect.

James had tweeted a clip of his show in which he linked the treatment of Ukraine refugees to the Brexit anti-immigration promise, as I have – though I did also reference the wider hostile environment which, it should be said, predates Brexit (the policy was formalised by then-Home Secretary Theresa May).

Jonthan pointed out that this isn’t Brexit Britain, this is just Britain, which I think is a compelling argument. Brexit immigration promises and the ascendancy of Brexiteers in the current administration is a factor in the current iteration of the hostile environment, but Jonathan is right to situate the current refugee policy in a wider context that looks beyond Brexit.

A confession: it can be easy for me and others who are still hurt by the way Brexit was advertised to get caught up in the headrush of seeing tangible consequences manifested – particularly the ones we warned about – but on this in particular, it’s only part of the story.

I think that’s always going to be the way with Brexit by the way – whether it’s border chaos, or supply chain shortages – Brexit is not the sole cause, but makes things tangibly worse. However, I also know that for true believers, it’s all worth it. My own view now is that Brexit will be short-term pain economically, a medium- term drag and long-term probably ok, but that it’s the narratives around it and its near-sacred status as the only democratic activity undertaken that must never be relitigated (though our entry to the EU was relitigated for over 30 years until Brexit finally came of age) – that will continue to fester like a wound that just won’t heal.

But anyway, something else that Portes tweeted about recently was evidence that as promised, Brexit appears to have swapped migration from EU for the rest of the world. Those who are set against immigration will never be pleased, but those who favoured the projection of immigration as a fixed number in which you shuffle the percentages of people from here, or there, must be delighted:

When it comes to refugee policy in particular though, and this is the element that is in the spotlight with Ukraine, the picture is less rosy:

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Just what the Great British Public ordered

Source (and copyright): The New Statesman, 9 March 2022 newsletter

The above graph was in my daily New Statesman newsletter. While many will no doubt see it as a point of shame, it struck me that this is exactly what was promised in Brexit and in all of our most recent Tory governments since David Cameron in particular who started with his woolly “tens of thousands” target for migration overall. If anything, this graph should be a triumph. Priti Patel has delivered, only to find that the Great British Public currently don’t understand why we can’t do more for Ukranian refugees. She is in the process of expediting the appointment of a minister tasked with tackling just that. I’m sure the PR campaign will swing into action once this is done. But just like Hong Kong migrant carve-out programme, the establishment of a Ukraine-specific programme only serves to highlight how punitive and ineffective the current regime is. Which is, of course, the point when you have a blunt focus on raw numbers.

While other countries let refugees in, the UK is sending them on a merry trail to various capitals for visa processing, after which I assume they have to somehow make their way to the UK. Again, this bureaucratic obstacle course is part of it.

Just as advertised.

And just as requested – if over a decade of Tory rule is any indication of the nation’s preferences.

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Something greater, forged in peace

Before Putin ramped up his invasion of Ukraine, Kenya’s representative to the UN, Martin Kimani, shared an African perspective of the conflict. When I first saw it, the only video I could find was shared in a tweet accompanied by a rather annoying take on it: that this is the African opinion. (One! For the whole continent!)

It is an African opinion. There are others, in particular the support of Russia by many in South Africa (and elsewhere), partly in reaction to the racism faced by African and Indian students trying to flee Ukraine and partly with memories of how the then-USSR supported the ANC during apartheid.

My own view is that the racism on display is unsurprising, given that Fortress Europe has this hostility to black and brown migrants baked in. But just because racism in Europe is not suprising doesn’t mean it doesn’t hurt or cause real harm, especially because if you can’t find some solidarity in a war zone…when…? I also think that modern Russia is not the USSR and is no more entitled to ride roughshod over Ukraine’s sovereignity than any other nation – support for African self-determination at one point and a shared history, language and culture with the people of Ukraine notwithstanding. Just as the UK’s (eventual) embrace of the the movement to end slavery doesn’t give them a pass to continue to hold onto the Chagos Islands and exile the people who belong there in defiance of UN rulings.

Mr Kimani gets to the heart of how one can be ambivalent about the entirely random nature of the borders of modern nation states, drawn up by a handful of “great powers” with no regard for history, language, culture and ancient kingdoms – while also believing that we must now try, as best we can, to move forward and build something that acknowledges this but is not hidebound by it. Putin’s projection of a resurrected Russian empire harks back to that table, where a few big powers sat, deciding the fate of the world. It’s a road to nowhere. The Kenyan ambassador also points out that attempts to go back to before the table and redraw our nations along homogenous lines – be they religious, ethnic or cultural – is similarly futile.

So.. what are we left with? We’ve got modern nation states whose borders are often completely bonkers and cut across peoples who used to be together. And we’ve got a world order that means that while the nations aren’t sitting around the table tossing dice for the rest of us anymore, they still control a great deal in these nations, particularly the ones in which they have a colonial legacy. Hell, we still have colonies. And nations seeking independence. But this isn’t it. What we’re seeing in Ukraine is deeply cynical and patently wrong.

It’s a mess. So, what do we do next, in countries with this legacy?

We take what we can and build.

I realise that’s not a slogan that’s going to set anyone’s pulse racing and seems too modest, maybe even like a defeat. But it’s harder than it sounds. If I’ve learned anything in my day job working in human rights globally, it’s that attempts attempts to roll back the pre-colonial clock usually end in majority tyranny over the minority, as they set the “purity test” for who belongs and who doesn’t along rigid religous, cultural or ethnic lines, with bloody consequences.

It usually comes down to who gets to decide who’s “authentic.” And hey, maybe it would be different if these efforts were not inevitably refracted through the lens of (often) one man’s overweening political ambition and ego – but again, we deal with the world as it is. Or rather, with people as we are. But maybe, just like the world right now, the reality of our communities, countries and lives is simply more nuanced and messy than we’d like – and it’s harder to find a way through than to try and force the toothpaste back into the proverbial tube with a retreat into simplistic national, racial or religious narratives which offer an easy framework to settle on who’s in and who’s out. Bolsanaro, Trump, Johnson are leaders who have offered the blunt simplicity of populism as an alternative to wrestling with the mess.

Mr Kimani hints at a different way. Part of his speech lingers with me because it’s about holding the tension of the mess while also reaching for hope:

“Kenya and almost every African country was birthed by the ending of empire. Our borders were not of our own drawing…. Today, across the border of every single African country live our countrymen with whom we share deep historical, cultural and linguistic bonds. At independence, had we chosen to pursue states on the basis of ethnic, racial or religious homogeneity, we would still be waging bloody wars these many decades later. Instead, we agreed that we would settle for the borders that we inherited, but we would still pursue continental political, economic and legal integration. Rather than form nations that looked ever backward into history with a dangerous nostalgia, we chose to look forward to a greatness none of our many nations and peoples had ever known. We chose to follow the rules of the Organisation of African Unity and the United Nations charter, not because our borders satisfied us, but because we wanted something greater, forged in peace.”

-Martin Kimani

Something greater, forged in peace.

Let’s do that.

I don’t know how or what it looks like, but I want to try.

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The Cruelty is (still) the point

I first read the phrase “the cruelty is the point” in a searing essay by American journalist Adam Serwer describing the particular coarseness of Trump’s campaigning style – his language, his bluntness.

The introduction to a Vox interview with him states: “While Serwer recognizes that cruelty, over time, has been a bipartisan feature of American politics, he believes it’s now central to the Republican Party. This is not the same as saying individual Republicans are cruel; the point is that the GOP, as a matter of strategy, is incentivizing cruelty.”

The Conservatives always get tetchy when a line is drawn between the GOP, or rather, Trump, and Johnson, but with the recent partygate and associated debacles, even they have been forced to confront the fact that Johnson’s immoral and shallow leadership has echoed throughout his administration. He may be posh and have a wider vocabulary, but there is a dotted line between his populism and Trumps. As the mist rises from the latest pointless culture war his government wages on minorities and just about anyone seeking justice for present or historic wrongs, it’s apparent that when it comes to policy, they offer very little in the way of practical measures to improve the country, just an unwavering dedication to Brexit and its fictional outworkings.

The cruelty phrase has always jangled around my head when I look at Tory policies since the coalition government but especially since Brexit, when the hardline faction of the party gained the ascendance. Gal Dem did a helpful article about the three problematic Bills currently wending their way through parliament, including the Nationality and Borders Bill, which is having a reading in the House of Lords today, and which tightens the hostile environment that was pioneered by Theresa May when she was Home Secretary. Among other measures, it will permit the government to strip citizenship from people without them even knowing about it.

It’s important to the government because the signature promise of Brexit was to “regain control of our borders.” There are other reasons for it, but that was the main animating feature, the thing that Farage campaigned on with his “Turning point” poster featuring a faceless mass of people entering the UK from Europe. Restricting immigration from Europe was also promised as a boon for other immigrant populations, with the implicit suggestion that fewer Europeans coming would make more room for more Indians or Nigerians – Commonwealth migration over EU migration. It earned the Brexit endorsement of the Bangladesh Caterers Association, among others – though as a regretful article by its secretary-general notes, while a larger numer than expected in the South Asian community voted Brexit, the majority voted Remain.

Enter Ukraine. I haven’t said much about it because I’m listening, and to go on and on about my feelings seems indulgent while people are fighting for their lives. As more options for practical assistance become apparent, I try to focus on that. It reminds me of Tigray. And the news is unsettling because some of the coverage treats the whole thing like a tactical war game. I’m not avoiding coverage completely, but I’m trying to select coverage that informs and illuminates – it’s hard to find. It’s frightening to have another war and the courage of the Ukranians is a bright light in a dark night. Among the narratives are the the sad ones I expect – disbelief that this could be happening over “here”, reports of racism at the borders as black and brown people are not allowed to get to sanctuary with others – and the kicker, sustained amazement at the UK’s asylum and border regime.

No, the UK government isn’t (yet) going to create a carve-out for Ukranian refugees. As Europe stands shoulder to shoulder with an offer of asylum for Ukranians, no questions asked, for three years, the UK is offering a very limited family reunification programme with plenty of exclusions even for immediate family members and…*checks notes* a chance to apply for a fruit picking visa.

Is this insane, immoral? YES. It is the promise of Brexit? Also YES. This is exactly what the UK voted for. It is only sad coincidence that the Nationality and Borders Bill is under scrutiny today, a bill that will make a bad situation worse. UK government departments have been tweeting furiously, #StandWithUkraine and lighting up buildings left, right and centre. But the government which has underpinned its critique of contemporary social movements with the dismissive claim that they are “virtue signalling” and “wokeism” is tweeting its heart out and refusing to move the very big levers at its disposal to actually change legislation to save lives.

Some are calling for a carve-out for Ukranians like the one created for those fleeing Hong Kong. I’ve always had mixed feelings about that scheme, which had powerful backers (some of whom I know and respect) and which achieved its aim for its constituency but left other, equally desperate people at the gates. What we need isn’t carve-outs but a humane, sensible immigration system that respects international law and conventions, preserving dignity for all and recognising that seeking asylum is not a lifestyle choice.

Our government’s response to Ukraine is mealy-mouthed and shocking. And it has to be seen in the wider light of the hostile environment and the immigration promise of Brexit to be understood. This paticular cabinet comprises people who have only one aim, to make the “Brexit opportunities” real, and this includes a highly punitive and restrictive immigration policy. Brexiteers always rush to emphasise that Brexit was about much more than that unfortunate mood music on immigration. I believe them, but it’s also true that the issue that animated their campaign was this immigration promise. It could have been made in a positive way (for some, probably never for me), but it wasn’t. Not one person on the Brexit side condemned Farage’s crude poster, because they guessed, rightly, that it would ultimately help, not hinder. The Brexit vote was not racist, but it was fine with it. And now the fruit of that poisonous tree is ripe for the picking and Priti Patel is inviting Ukranians to do it. It’s crass and it’s cruel. And that is (still) the point.

For more on what the new Bill, if passed in its current form, will mean for Ukranians and other refugees, read this thread by the excellent Zoe Gardner, from the Joint Council for the Welfare of Immigrants.

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The Worthy and Unworthy Sick

…and the worthy and unworthy dead.

Although Omicron can be mild for many, that is not the case for all. Those who fell ill with this or other variants of COVID were not lazy, workshy or failures.

Many have died, too many count. This was not because they were weak.

And there are many immunocompromised, elderly and/or disabled people for whom the lifting of COVID measures, for political expediency, and this type of crass messaging about their concerns and how they may be living their lives is unkind at best.

The Queen is “working” (don’t get me started) out of choice. And she is certainly not caring for other people or on an assembly line or doing anything physically taxing. Long COVID is real, and blighting many lives.

All of this is fairly obvious – and yet. Here we are.

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Hoping that Meghan is enjoying an avocado wherever she is right now

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Big Love

It’s all about love today, here are three moments that landed on me this past weekend:

One This past weekend was big – not in the sense that any huge things happened, but because in the midst of a challening personal season, I was reflecting on what I have learned, how much stronger and more resilient I feel, even though, well, I’m still going through it – and I had a sense of a Very Big Joy. It hit me while I was praying as suddenly as an egg spilling out once its shell has been cracked. Joy as distinct from happiness. I wouldn’t say I’m happy right now. I’m still…in it. But there is a Big Joy. And also a Big Hope. I read back over Romans 5:3-5 (NIV): “..we also glory in our sufferings, because we know that suffering produces perseverance; 4 perseverance, character; and character, hope. 5 And hope does not put us to shame, because God’s love has been poured out into our hearts through the Holy Spirit, who has been given to us.” I don’t have answers, outcomes or frankly, much of a clue. But I am comforted by a Big Love.

Two I was moved by Esau McCaulley’s NYT oped on marriage, which captured some of the challenges, mystery and beauty of choosing to share a life with someone:

“Marriage, for us, has not been a competition for dominance. It is not even a taking of turns for prominence. It is a mutual exploration in which we plot to bring each other happiness or scheme to make our children smile. That is not the work of a day or a decade. This love is hard fought and ephemeral, appearing and disappearing at points where selfishness and human frailty get in the way. We are rarely as charitable with each other as we could be, but we are capable of it! Love again and again breaks out and surprises us in its beauty.”

Three And then a restaurant review made me cry. Jay Rayner visited a lovely little South London restaurant called Sugarcane London, run by a young care leaver who poured his heart and soul into his place, and whose community pulled together to put it all back together after it was burgled. This is Big Love in action looks like: Chef Tee loves on people who need a fresh start, and their community loves on them all:

He knows why I am here and I make it clear how well we have been fed. Chef Tee admits that from the very dark moment in the immediate aftermath of the break-in, business is now good; support from the community has been amazing. I tell him what he has done has been equally amazing. He nods gently and, without any side, says simply, “I’m a care leaver from a disadvantaged background. I’m black and gay, one of the youngest restaurateurs in the country who opened his restaurant during the pandemic by himself with just £3,000. I should be a statistic. Instead, I’ve broken the narrative and the barriers. Despite everything against me, I’m still standing.” In a space this small everyone can hear our conversation. Spontaneously, his customers give him a round of applause. Quite right, too.

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In praise of…the Long Read

Meaty, longform journalism is, rightly or wrongly, something I associate more with US journalism. But this week I’ve been reminded of some cracking pieces from the Guardian’s Long Read section.

I might have read them when they were published, but listening to them in audio format transformed the experience for me. So I suppose this might be in praise of the audio long read.

Anyway, check out:

Built on the bodies of slaves: how Africa was erased from the history of the modern world.

and the peerless Gary Younge: what COVID taught us about racism – and what we need to do now.

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The Firm

As Elizabeth R marked her Platinum Jubileee, what struck me as one of the most interesting developments of her reign is the development of the idea of a “working” royal family.

It makes sense. In this modern age, you can’t have all this privilege concentrated in one family by an accident of birth without some justification. So we have the idea of a family working for the country, through a slew of royal patronages supporting charitable organisations and using their profile for good, and in some cases, working with the Foreign Office as envoys to foreign nations. This does work – I’m sure having Prince William onside for the UK’s 2021 Olympic bid was helpful. But it also sets up a contradiction: is their privilege earned, or a birthright?

The kerfuffle with Prince Harry stepping back from this “work” and losing his patronages might make sense, but the idea that he wouldn’t be entitled to enhanced police protection for himself and his family while in the UK is daft. Regardless of what he does, because of who he is, he has particular privileges – and vulnerabilities. As do his wife and child.

Then there’s Andrew, who seems particularly upset at having his “work” taken away from him, while he retains all the other privileges that are his birthright. It’s never not surprising that despite being under criminal investigation, this is never questioned, unlike with Harry.

In a letter published on the Platinum Jubilee, the Queen expressed her with that Camilla be known as “Queen’s Consort” when Charles accedes to the throne, to continue her “loyal service.” I realise that there is context here: Camilla was so unpopular when she married Charles that it was promised that she would only be known as “Princess consort” when Charles became King. And there is history: Prince Philip was known as the Duke of Edinburgh because courtiers at the time felt that this peniless royal couldn’t really stand on ceremony. I understand that decision a little better given the attitudes of the time and the fact that it was more of a man’s world; him being King might well even eclipse her, so strategically it made the Queen supreme.

But, Camilla? That Charles’ wife should be the Queen Consort should be obvious – he’s the King, she’s married to him. It’s his birthright and she’s part of it now. Perhaps the reference to her loyal service was a reminder to the nation that she has paid penance for the whole Diana affair, but to me it smacked of the “work” messaging that the family has increasingly pushed in Queen Elizabeth’s reign – she needs this title to continue with it, like one of us might need an adjustable office chair or the right title on our business cards.

That seems muddled. If we’re going to have an active monarchy in this century, we might as well face it for what it is: a blend of birthright and privilege that is out of step with modern times but which we persist with because we want to. Maybe confronting this head on would make us face up to some constitutional reform and expose the nonsense for what it is.

But pretending that Camilla has somehow earned her role is ridiculous; this is not a job that is open to anyone else, this “work” that they go on and on about flows to them by dint of who they are, not because of any worthiness or accomplishments they may possess.

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